27 July 2016

Suing Police for Assault, False Imprisonment or Malicious Prosecution


Where police act outside their powers, it may be possible to bring civil proceedings for damages arising from assault, false imprisonment or malicious prosecution.

In these types of cases, it is often helpful – although not always necessary – for evidence to be ventilated during criminal proceedings for which the defendant was ultimately acquitted and adverse findings made by a Magistrate or Judge about the conduct of police, or for the case to otherwise be terminated by police before it reaches a hearing.

Intentional torts require that the civil defendant (eg police) possessed the intention to do the act that caused the plaintiff’s (ie the person harmed) injuries. The most common intentional tort claims against police are those that involve interference to the person. These are as follows:

A) Assault/Battery

These two terms are often used interchangeably as they can arise from the same conduct.

The distinction at law is that battery requires the application of physical contact; whereas an assault may occur with just the apprehension, or fear, of immediate unlawful contact.

Battery


Battery occurs when the defendant directly and deliberately causes offensive physical contact to the person of the plaintiff; without the plaintiff’s consent or other legal justification.[1]

A battery commonly arises in the following circumstances:

– in the context of an arrest made by police, where police have used excessive force;
– where police or Corrective Services officers have used excessive force whilst conducting forensic and other procedures; or
– where security guards or ‘bouncers’ have used excessive force in removing patrons from bars and clubs.

The plaintiff must demonstrate the following elements, to establish that a battery has occurred:

1) There was an intentional or negligent act of interference (physical contact with the plaintiff’s body).

The defendant’s act caused physical interference, or contact with the plaintiff’s body.[2] This can also include contact with the plaintiff’s clothes, spitting in someone’s face, causing a person to be touched with another object or throwing a person out of a chair by touching only the chair, and not the person.

2) The interference was direct or immediate upon the defendant’s act.

The interference to the plaintiff must be direct and immediate upon the defendant’s act, and not consequential. This issue may not arise in cases involving physical contact, however can be more difficult to identify in cases involving mental harm.

For example, in a recent Victorian case, it was held that witnessing injuries resulting from a domestic violence incident where police were involved could not be sufficiently linked to the conduct of police, and the actions of police were not sufficiently direct enough to cause the plaintiff’s harm[3], and

3) Such contact was offensive, likely to cause injury or affront.

There is a requirement that the defendant’s act must be ‘angry, revengeful, rude, insolent or hostile.’ Physical contact resulting from the exigencies of daily life will not amount to battery. For example, a casino employee touching a patron on the shoulder in order to get his attention is not enough to amount to a battery.[4]

The presence of hostility in an act is what distinguishes a battery from contact in the ordinary course of daily life.[5]

The above elements must be proved on the balance of probabilities, to the Briginshaw Standard (discussed below).

Once offensive physical contact has been established, it will be for the defendant to establish that they did not possess the necessary intention. In the context of police conduct, it is often argued that the defendant was using force necessary to perform an arrest.

Under the Law Enforcement (Powers and Responsibilities) Act 2002 (NSW) (the LEPRA), police officers are able to use “such force as is reasonably necessary to make the arrest or to prevent the escape of the person after arrest[6] so the plaintiff must demonstrate that the conduct went beyond what was necessary in the circumstances. Even where there has been a lawful arrest, there may have been excessive force used by the arresting officer, for example where a baton has been used unnecessarily.[7]

Assault

An assault occurs where the defendant deliberately causes the plaintiff to apprehend imminent unlawful physical contact; although it is not necessary that such contact actually occur. Often where a battery has occurred (ie physical contact), an assault has also occurred and the two actions can be pleaded together.

The following elements must be established in order to establish an assault:

1) There was an apprehension of imminent physical contact with the body of the plaintiff.

To satisfy this element, there must have been a threat of imminent physical contact, which the plaintiff was aware of. Without knowledge of the threat, the plaintiff cannot apprehend that physical contact was about to occur.

Further, the apprehension must be of imminent contact; the defendant must appear to have the present ability to carry out the threat. This factor can vary significantly between cases. For example, protestors making threats of violence from the other side of the gates of a colliery did not amount to an assault, as they did not have the present ability to carry out the threats against the plaintiffs,[8] however, the future threat of taking a woman back to a house in order to ‘fix her up’ was seen to amount to an assault, although it was a future threat.[9]

Words alone can constitute an assault. In Barton v Armstrong[10] a politician made threats over the telephone and the plaintiff was successful in proving an assault. Similarly, in Slaveski v Victoria[11], a police officer was held to have assaulted a home owner by saying over the phone, ‘anybody can get shot these days, anywhere’.

2) The defendant intended to cause such fear in the plaintiff.

To establish an assault, it must be demonstrated that there was an ‘objective intention on the part of the Defendant that the threat will create an apprehension in the mind of the Plaintiff that the threat will be carried out. It is not necessary to prove that the defendant in fact intends to carry out the threat[12], and

3) The apprehension of fear by the plaintiff was reasonable.

This element requires an objective test of the plaintiff’s state of mind, and not an assessment of their bravery. The defendant’s act only needs to create a reasonable apprehension of physical contact, not fear of such contact.

In terms of actions against police, an assault may arise in a number of situations, including during arrests, when police are accessing property and conducting other procedures, or through other contact in a public or private place.

In the case of New South Wales v Ibbett[13], plain clothes police officers trespassed onto a woman’s property while chasing her son, pointed a gun at her and demanded she open her garage door. This amounted to an assault.

B) False Imprisonment

This is another type of intentional tort, involving a wrongful, intentional act causing restraint on the liberty of another person, for any period of time.

Common applications in relation to police conduct include arrests for breach of bail conditions, for example; where a person is arrested in relation to bail conditions that have previously been varied, dispensed with or are no longer in place. Also, arrests for the purposes of questioning or investigation, for which police have no power.

The elements that need to be proved are:

1) The defendant intentionally caused the total restraint of the plaintiff’s liberty.

The restraint of liberty must be total and not merely a partial constraint of movement. However, the deprivation of liberty can be actuated by non-physical boundaries and does not require physical contact. The element will be made out where it can be demonstrated that the plaintiff felt obliged to submit to the instructions of the defendant[14]. Where a person is arrested and taken into custody by police, an issue regarding this element will not arise.

2) The restraint was not lawfully justified.

The only defence to an action in false imprisonment is that the restraint was performed pursuant to lawful authority. Once the restraint of liberty has been proved, it is up to the defendant to show it was justifiable or lawful.[15]

The power of Police to affect an arrest is outlined in Section 99 of the LEPRA:

99 Power of police officers to arrest without warrant

(1) A police officer may, without a warrant, arrest a person if:
(a) the person is in the act of committing an offence under any Act or statutory instrument, or
(b) the person has just committed any such offence, or
(c) the person has committed a serious indictable offence for which the person has not been tried.
(2) A police officer may, without a warrant, arrest a person if the police officer suspects on reasonable grounds that the person has committed an offence under any Act or statutory instrument.
(3) A police officer must not arrest a person for the purpose of taking proceedings for an offence against the person unless the police officer suspects on reasonable grounds that it is necessary to arrest the person to achieve one or more of the following purposes:
(a) to ensure the appearance of the person before a court in respect of the offence,
(b) to prevent a repetition or continuation of the offence or the commission of another offence,
(c) to prevent the concealment, loss or destruction of evidence relating to the offence,
(d) to prevent harassment of, or interference with, a person who may be required to give evidence in proceedings in respect of the offence,
(e) to prevent the fabrication of evidence in respect of the offence,
(f) to preserve the safety or welfare of the person.
(4) A police officer who arrests a person under this section must, as soon as is reasonably practicable, take the person, and any property found on the person, before an authorised officer to be dealt with according to law.

The most common civil claims against police arise out of wrongful arrests, where police have acted outside their powers in performing an arrest. However, actions may also arise where the initial arrest was lawful, but the plaintiff was detained beyond a reasonable time.[16]


C) Malicious Prosecution

These cases arise from legal proceedings being brought without reasonable and probable cause and with malice.

The elements that must be proved for a malicious prosecution to be established are:
(1) Proceedings were initiated or maintained against the plaintiff by the defendant;
In general, only criminal prosecutions can form the basis of an action for malicious prosecution – civil proceedings do not normally apply.[17]

Essentially, the plaintiff must show that police were prosecuting the case, rather than another body.

The prosecutor is not limited to just the ‘informant’ (ie the officer in charge), but anyone responsible for initiating proceedings.[18] A claim can also be made against a person who made a complaint to police that was deliberately false, if proceedings were brought based upon that complaint (this would only be advantageous if the complainant has the means to pay damages, of course).

In some cases, it may have been reasonable for the prosecutor to initiate proceedings against the plaintiff, but not maintain them. For example, if further (exculpatory) evidence comes to light during the investigation and it is no longer reasonable to maintain the prosecution, yet they persisted in any event.[19]

(2) The proceedings were terminated (finalised) in favour of the plaintiff.

Any termination that does not result in conviction is favourable to the plaintiff for the purposes of civil action… “the magistrate may not commit for trial; the director may not find a bill of indictment; the direct may direct that no further proceedings be taken or the Attorney General may enter a nolle prosequi.”[20]

To satisfy this element, it is simply necessary that no determination of guilt has been made against the plaintiff, and the proceedings have ended without such a determination.

It should be noted it has been held that where a charge had been dismissed, without conviction, pursuant to Section 10 of the Crimes (Sentencing Procedure) Act 1999, this did not constitute a “termination of proceedings favourably to the plaintiff”. This was because the ultimate order had been preceded by a finding of guilt.[21]

(3) That the defendant acted without reasonable and probable cause.

This is often the most difficult element to prove in a claim against a prosecuting authority, as it involves both an objective and subjective assessment all of the evidence upon which proceedings were initiated or maintained, and will vary heavily from case to case.

The material to be considered is not limited to admissible evidence, or the prosecution’s consideration of whether a defence will be available.[22] It is, however, necessary for a prosecutor to make sufficient enquiries so as to inform himself or herself of the true state of the case.[23]

As discussed in the case of A v New South Wales, there are several considerations in determining if a person had reasonable and probable cause for prosecuting another for an offence:

“a) the prosecutor must believe that the accused is probably guilty of the offence; b) this belief must be founded upon information in the possession of the prosecutor pointing to such guilty, not upon mere imagination or surmise;
c) the information, whether it consists of things observed by the prosecutor himself, or things told to him, must be believed by him to be true;
d) this belief must be based upon reasonable grounds;
e) the information possessed by the prosecutor and reasonably believed by him to be true, must be such as would justify a man of ordinary prudence and caution in believing that the accused is probably guilty.”[24]

The absence of one or more of these factors can establish that there was not reasonable and probable cause in initiating proceedings, although the list should not be considered exhaustive.

An in depth analysis of the evidence that was behind the initiation of proceedings will be essential before bringing any suit for malicious prosecution, and

(4) The defendant, in initiating or maintaining the proceedings acted maliciously.

In order to prove this element, the plaintiff must demonstrate that the defendant, in bringing the proceedings, was ‘acting for purposes other than a proper invocation of the criminal law.’[25]

This can include cases where some bias of the prosecuting authority can be demonstrated, or where an absence of reasonable and probable cause can be used infer malice.

In Houda v New South Wales[26] it was decided that a police officer had acted maliciously in bringing proceedings against a NSW solicitor where he knew that no offence had been committed, and the officer was acting out of spite after an altercation with Mr Houda that was provoked by police.

In A v State of New South Wales it was demonstrated that the defendant had initiated proceedings only because he had been pressured to do so by his superiors, rather than in the interests of justice.
It should be noted that the presence of malice alone will not be enough to establish a claim in malicious prosecution. It is essential that this element is accompanied by the absence of reasonable and probable cause.

Standard of Proof

The plaintiff in intentional tort cases must prove each element ‘on the balance of probabilities’; unlike in criminal matters where the required standard is ‘beyond reasonable doubt.’

The test is referred to as the Briginshaw standard and requires that the allegations are established to the reasonable satisfaction of the tribunal (eg court). Reasonable satisfaction should not involve inexact proofs, indefinite testimony or indirect references, however, it is referable to the seriousness of the fact being asserted.[27] Essentially, the more serious the allegation, the more probative or stronger the evidence needs to be.[28]

Defences

There are three main defences to intentional torts, which the defendant must establish to escape liability if the tort is made out.

(1) Justification

This defence may be raised by asserting that the defendant was acting lawfully in their conduct against the plaintiff.

In New South Wales, the LEPRA governs the power of police to make arrests, conduct searches, prevent public disorders, give move on directions, detain intoxicated persons and the use of reasonable force.

In cases of assault or battery where the plaintiff alleges excessive force, the defendant may plead that they were using reasonable force, or that the officer was acting in good faith.

As found in State of New South Wales v Williamson[29] “A lawful arrest can provide the legal justification for what would otherwise be the tort of false imprisonment. If reasonable force is used in the course of effecting a lawful arrest, that can provide a legal justification for what would otherwise be an assault or battery.”

A close analysis of the provisions of LEPRA should be conducted before the initiation of proceedings.

(2) Self Defence

Like criminal cases, self defence is available in the context of intentional torts. For self defence to be made out, the defendant’s tortious conduct must have been reasonably necessary for the protection of their person. The elements to be established are:

a) The defendant believed the plaintiff was about to assault him;
b) The defendant believed that the force which he used was necessary in order to defend himself from the plaintiff’s attack; and
c) The defendant had reasonable grounds for those beliefs, in the circumstances perceived by him.[30]
In making the determination, the court will consider the proportionality of the response, whether the danger was imminent and whether there were other things the defendant could have done in the circumstances.[31]

(3) Necessity

This defence is available if the defendant was responding to a threat of imminent danger. In order to establish defence, the following must be demonstrated:

a) That there was a threat of imminent danger; and
b) The defendant’s act is reasonably necessary to avert that danger.[32]

(4) Consent

The issue of consent may arise if the plaintiff has given permission for the defendant to interfere with their person or rights. It has the effect of transforming unlawful conduct into acceptable conduct.[33]
Consent may be provided expressly (in words or writing), or by implication. Implied consent depends on the plaintiff’s conduct and surrounding circumstances. The defence will rarely arise in matters against the police, as the authority commanded by their position often means that consent cannot be voluntarily or freely given. In the case of Symes v Mahon, the plaintiff followed police back to the police station because he felt he had no choice, therefore his consent had not been freely given.[34]

[1] Secretary, Department of Health and Community Services v JWB (Marions Case) (1992) 175 CLR 218.
[2] Carter v Walker (2010) 32 VR 1; [2010] VSCA 340.
[3] Carter v Walker (2010) 32 VR 1; [2010] VSCA 340, at 215 and 216.
[4] Rixon v Star City Pty Ltd
[5] Hutchinson v Fitzpatrick [2009] ACTSC 43, at 54.
[6] Section 231 of the Law Enforcement (Powers and Responsibilities) Act 2002.
[7] New South Wales v Koumdjiev
[8] Thomas v National Untion of Mineworkers (South Wales Area) [1986] 1 Ch 20.
[9] Zanker v Vartzokas (1988) 34 A Crim R 11, at 18.
[10] Barton v Armstrong [1969] 2 NSWR 451
[11] Slaveski v Victoria [2010] VSC 441
[12] ACN 087 528 774 Pty Ltd (formerly Connex Trains Melbourne Pty Ltd) v Chetcuti [2008] VSCA 274.
[13] New South Wales v Ibbett [2006] HCA 57; 229 CLR 638
[14] Bird v Jones (1845) 7 A & E 742; 115 ER 668, at 751.
[15] TD v New South Wales [2010] NSWSC 368, at 49.
[16] Zaravinos v New South Wales [2004] NSWCA 320; Sadler and Victoria v Madigan [1998] VSCA 53.
[17] Clavel v Savage [2013] NSWSC 775, at 44.
[18] Young v NSW; Young v Young (No 2) 2013 NSW 330.
[19] Clift v Birmingham (1901) 4 WALR 20.
[20] Beckett v NSW (Beckett) [2013] HCA 17; 248 CLR 432, at 6.
[21] Clavel v Savage [2013] NSWSC 775.
[22] Herniman v Smith [1938] AC 305, at 319.
[23] Abrath v North-Eastern Railway Co (1883) 11 QBD 440, at 451.
[24]  A v New South Wales [2007] HCA 10; 230 CLR 500, at 64.
[25] A v New South Wales [2007]HCA 10; 230 CLR 500, at 91.
[26] Houda v New South Wales [2005] NSWSC 1053.
[27] Briginshaw v Briginshaw [1938] HCA 34, 60 CLR 336.
[28]  Neat Holdings Pty Ltd v Karajan Holdings Pty Ltd[1992] HCA 66; (1992) 110 ALR 449 at 449–50.
[29] New South Wales v Williamson [2011] NSWCA 183
[30] May v Thomas [2014] WASCA 176.
[31] Fontin v Kataposid (1962) 108 CLR 177.
[32] NSW v Riley [2003] NSWCA 208.
[33] Marions Case, at 233.
[34] Symes v Mahon [1922] SASR 447.

By Alicia Boehm

sydneycriminallawyers.com.au 26 Jul 2016

25 July 2016

Australia's weird record on human rights and the cultural divide

There is a weird psychotic reaction in Australia to the very notion of human rights. The mention of a charter of rights or a human rights act produces florid denunciations of such an appalling idea. In fact, the anti-rights people say charters or bills of rights could be one of the worst things for democracy and pitchfork us into a dark age from which we would struggle to recover.

Yet, all the major common law countries have national human rights acts or bills of rights, but not good ol’ Australia, which defiantly holds back the tide of the global rights movement. UK citizens are prone to make put-down remarks about Australia’s backwards jurisprudence where the nation subsists in a human rights void.

Contrary to the over-blown forecasts of doom, the human rights regimes in the UK, Canada, New Zealand, the USA have not reduced those places to judicial tyrannies. It should be noted, however, that the new Tory prime minister, Theresa May, wants Britain out of the European Convention on Human Rights.

In Australia the the Victorian government has announced a minimalist response to the human rights reforms proposed in a review that was published nine months ago.

The Victorian attorney general, Martin Pakula, says he is keen to promote a “human rights culture” in Victoria, but as yet no decision has been made on allowing citizens to bring actions for breaches of charter rights.

The reform recommendations were made last September in a review of the Charter of Human Rights and Responsibilities conducted by the former CEO of the Victorian Law Institute, Michael Brett Young.

A proposal to extend the human rights “culture” to the private sector has not been accepted, while giving the Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission power to conduct dispute resolution for charter breaches is under “further consideration”.

A decision on whether citizens can seek stand-alone remedies for breaches of the charter of rights is also on the back burner. The soft options have been adopted while the more challenging ones are yet to be grappled with.

Emily Howie, director of advocacy and research at the Human Rights Law Centre in Melbourne, said it was disappointing that Victorians still could not bring actions to enforce the rights provided under the charter.

“To show it’s serious about protecting people’s human rights, particularly people with lived experience of disadvantage, the government must ensure access to real remedies. Unenforceable rights struggle to be more than aspirational ideas. For people whose rights are violated, it’s critical that they can do something about it,” said Howie.

A parliamentary committee in Queensland has just completed a report on whether that state should adopt a human rights act and again the outcome has been disappointing, with the committee splitting on party lines.

There were almost 500 submissions, overwhelmingly in support of some sort of human rights protections, yet the LNP members didn’t want a bar of it. The Labor members of the committee opted for a compatibility model, where new legislation is supposed to be compatible with human rights, yet without restricting the passage of incompatible laws. The Labor members went so far as to say that the judiciary should play no role in any complaint process.
 
The Human Rights Law Centre said that this fell “well short of what’s required for adequate human rights protections”.

The main contentions against a national human rights act for Australia rarely, if ever, make much sense. The prime objection is that we’d be handing over a lot of law-making power from parliamentarians to unelected judges. This either suggests that judges should be elected, which is a really bad idea, or that our rights are best protected by politicians. The ballot box is all we need – something that is delusionally out-of-step with reality.

We’re not talking here about human rights that are constitutionally embedded and immoveable. The models under discussion are confined to legislation, which can be amended or repealed by parliamentarians. The politicians ultimately are in charge of the law, not the judges.

Another well-worn objection to legislating for the protection of human rights is that the existing common law is such a magnificent creature that no more needs to be done. It’s a strange argument given that the rest of the common law world has developed enforceable rights regimes for the very reason that judge-made law is not up to the task.

Indeed, Australia’s judge-law has done nothing noticeable to bring balance to the stream of terror-related legislation, anti-protest laws, marriage inequality, permanent detention without charge, invasions of privacy, Indigenous disadvantage and inequality, and more.

Matters that are typically included in charters of rights include: equality before the law, fair hearings, protection from torture and cruel treatment, protection from retrospective criminal laws, freedom from forced work, freedom of movement, privacy, reputation, religion and belief, peaceful assembly, cultural rights, property rights, liberty and security.

The point about having fundamental rights statutorily enshrined is that they should then be capable of being judicially balanced against competing rights or other overriding legislative considerations.
In the Australian Capital Territory, the courts are required to interpret legislation in a manner compatible with human rights and the supreme court can issue declarations of incompatibility. There is a stand-alone cause of action for breaches of rights by ACT public authorities, but the remedies do not include damages.

Even so, the ACT human rights commissioner has said that the ACT “had rarely made a difference to the actual outcome of cases, and the direct right of action remained under-utilised”.

The Commonwealth went through a human rights flutter in the Rudd era when, in 2008, Father Frank Brennan was appointed to chair a national human rights consultation. On behalf of the Liberal party, George Brandis said that “a statutory bill of rights is not the best model for advancing human rights”.

Tony Abbott warned that, “Bills of Rights are leftwing tricks to allow judges to change society in ways a parliament would never dare”.

Brennan recommended a legislative compatibility model with the high court declaring existing legislation incompatible and referring it back to parliament for amendment.

Former high court justice Michael McHugh thought there were constitutional problems with that approach and it wouldn’t work.

We’ve ended up with a Commonwealth parliamentary committee that is supposed to scrutinise legislation for human rights compliance, but in the process we still managed to get rights-crushing data retention and the worst excesses of border protection.

McHugh has said it would be preferable for the parliament to give legislative effect to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and “if thought necessary” the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

We’re in tribal territory here. Human rights are now locked into the ideological and cultural divide. You can join the dots: anti-human rightists are also likely to oppose same sex marriage, take a hard line on law and order, and detest the UN and its charters.

Yet, in an environment of increasing uncertainty and threat the last thing a civilised society should do is close the door on its humanity.

As Churchill is supposed to have said, but no one can find the exact quote: “After all, what are we fighting for?”

theguardian.com 22 Jul 2016

24 July 2016

Jetstar midair fracas - corporate media (deliberate?) porky pies?

So here we have a quite 'plausible' story from the news team at Rupert Murdoch's new empire from a publication called the Herald Sun.

A bunch of idiots on a plane who got into a brawl, it sounds quite simple, and from 'judging' of the characters, quite accurate, or is it?

There's is one line that stands out a fair bit and that is:

"Mr Beecham, whose partner was waiting for him at the airport, told reporters the media had “got it all wrong”....."

The following text (pictures omitted from the original article) is from 23 July 2016 by news.com.au of the headline:

Jetstar midair fracas: Brawling mates land back in Australia

THE six Australian men involved in the mile-high Jetstar brawl have arrived back home, but their nightmare is not over yet after their holiday plans were cut short by a midair fracas of their own making.

The group have been immediately banned from flying with Jetstar or Qantas.

Three of the six men, Brett Eldridge, Bradley Beecham, and Lynmin Waharai, were escorted back to Sydney Airport by Jetstar staff overnight and arrived early this morning.

Brett Eldridge, who also arrived back at Sydney international airport. Picture: Carly EarlSource:News Corp Australia

The other three men, Mark Rossiter, Ricky William and Michael Matthews, emerged from Melbourne’s Tullamarine Airport about 12.20am, almost two hours after their flight landed.

They are all facing a claim for tens of thousands of dollars in compensation for the cost of the diversion and escort back home.

Mr Beecham, whose partner was waiting for him at the airport, told reporters the media had “got it all wrong” before apologising to passengers on-board the flight.

“I’m sorry for the stress to all the passengers on the flight. I’m sorry for what happened ... 100 per cent,” he said.

“It looked bad, but there was more to the story. No one knows the truth.

“You can only try to prevent it the best you can.”

News Corp Australia understands they had been spoken to by border force officials.

Officials briefly escorted Michael Matthews just outside the airport so he could smoke a cigarette.
Sporting sunglasses to hide bruising, he and Ricky Longmuir later attempted to hide their faces as they jumped in a taxi.

A source told The Herald Sun the men were “pretty embarrassed” by the ordeal.

A woman who was on the same flight as the Australians said Jetstar staff in Bali had been snapping photos of them as they boarded the plane.

The group — from Sydney, Bathurst, the Sunshine Coast and Townsville — looked chastened when they boarded their flights in Bali.

Jetstar had sent security from Sydney to escort the group home on two separate flights.

Sporting a black eye, Michael Matthews, kept his sunglasses on as he was lead to the plane, lifting them only at the request of the officials who were returning his passport.

A work colleague of Brad Beecham, at Beecham Concreting in Bathurst, said he was okay after having spent a night in Bali custody but maintained he was not involved in the punch up which saw their Phuket bound flight diverted to Bali to offload them.

Michael Matthews, Lynmin Waharai and Mark Rossiter on board Jetstar plane from Sydney to Thailand. Picture: Michael Matthews, FacebookSource:Facebook

Witnesses have described that two of the group were the protagonists and that others had stayed in the background as one rowdy passenger in the group was punched three times in the face by his mate.

Matthews posted images on his Facebook page of some of the group on the plane, shortly before takeoff from Sydney.

Footage emerges of those involved in Jetstar brawl
http://pixel.tcog.cp1.news.com.au/track/news/content/v2/origin:video_integrator.EwN3R1NDE6wkPVN_MGeBrQB-igfXZ_Eg?t_product=newscomau&t_template=../video/player

It seems their ill-fated trip to Phuket was first conceived back in April when Matthews posted to Facebook that he was going on an overseas trip with a few Sydney mates in the next months. He told anyone else who might want to join to message him.

Then in mid June he advertised one spot left for the Thailand trip.

Another of the group, also in the concreting industry, is believed to live in Townsville while others are in Sydney.

The six mates — Australians Beecham, Matthews, Ricky Longmuir, Mark Rossiter, Brett Eldrige and New Zealander Lynmin Waharai — were off-loaded from their Jetstar flight at Bali’s Ngurah Rai airport after the brawl caused the pilot to divert the flight from its course to Phuket.

After the group was taken off, by police and army officials, the flight then continued to Phuket.

And the men spent two days and a night in Immigration Holding room at the airport. The room had couches but no beds.

The group escaped any charges or sanctions in Indonesia but Jetstar has not ruled out forcing them to pay the cost of the diversion and landing, which could run into the tens of thousands of dollars.

The Australian Federal Police says it is aware of the case but given it is in the hands of Indonesian authorities would not comment further.

Three of the group — Matthews, Longmuir and Rossiter — were flown from Bali to Melbourne on a Jetstar flight departing Denpasar at 2.45pm local time yesterday and were due to arrive in Australia last night. They were accompanied by two Jetstar security officials.

The other three — Beecham, Eldrige and Lynmin — were due to arrive in Sydney this morning (sat) on a flight which left Denpasar at 10.35pm local time last night. They too were accompanied by two Jetstar officials.

The general manager of Bali airport, Trikora Harjo, said yesterday the group was being accompanied on their return flights by security.

“To prevent other fights, security from Australia have arrived last night. They will escort them while on board,” Mr Harjo said.

Jetstar trouble makers at Denpasar Airport in Bali. Picture: SuppliedSource:Supplied

18 July 2016

NAB spys on Customers

How can you trust ANY of these corporations?

Aren't 'privacy laws' there to protect the data of the plebs/serfs/corporate slaves?

If so then the corporation can be charged under those laws, right?

Let's see if anyone can successfully sue NAB.

We say these are 'money for mates' deals where the corporate slave (read 'customer') has no say whatsoever.


NAB has been accused of violating customers’ privacy.

NAB has been accused of “Big Brother” tactics by monitoring when its business customers are shopping around for rival loans, sparking competition concerns.
The lender has been receiving the “tip-offs” from credit reporting agency Veda, which it says are used to “better manage relationships with customers”, Fairfax Media reports.

One borrower who recently applied for a car loan with ANZ said she was shocked to receive an email from NAB saying its “smarter” systems alerted it that she was “seeking or inquiring for finance elsewhere” and it could whip up “multiple quotes”.

“I felt violated,” she told Fairfax. “I felt there was an invasion of my privacy because they accessed information I’ve never given them permission to access.

“I have a right to get second opinions and compare lenders but they put me in a very awkward position.”

In a statement, NAB said it “believes in lending responsibly to our business customers”.

“This means we do use a range of information sources, including limited information from credit bureau Veda, to manage relationships with our customers,” it said.

“This information helps us to understand if our customers are borrowing within their means and operating their businesses prudently.

“We believe it’s important that our bankers keep in touch with their business customers, especially when they are taking out new lending with other institutions, to understand the intent of the finance and how it will impact on their business operations.

“The information received from Veda only relate to business banking customers. No consumer credit information is provided by Veda to NAB.”

A Veda spokeswoman said: “This is a matter between NAB and their customer. Veda cannot comment on NAB and its customers.”

Veda, which collects data on customers’ credit histories, was recently purchased by US giant Equifax for $2.5 billion

Although the sharing of business customers’ data does not technically breach regulations, privacy advocates have described the practice as “sneaky and scary” and said it could raise competition concerns.

Fairfax reports other banks are understood to be using the alert service.

A Westpac spokesman said: “Westpac does not receive alerts if a business customer enquires or applies for a loan at another bank.” CommBank also said it does not use the service.

News.com.au has contacted ANZ for comment.

A spokeswoman for the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission said all inquiries should be directed to the Office of the Australian Information Commissioner and the Australian Securities and Investments Commission.

A spokeswoman for ASIC said neither “privacy concerns” nor “competition issues” were ASIC’s remit and directed inquiries back to the ACCC.

The OAIC has been contacted for comment.

15 July 2016

Why you are an idiot

So you go to court and you are about to get a jolly rogering!

If you get someone to 're' present you, you are considered a ward of the state, a mute, unable to speak.

If you go on your own to present yourself before the 'judge'....


"......But 'your honour' I am only an idiot*....." 

So, let's have a look at the etymology of  the word 'idiot'.

You may be aware of the laws being made by people in the mid 1800's and 1900's, like for example the Victorian Constitution 1855, or the Australian Constitution 1901.

Armed with a legal dictionary or three, e.g. Ballentines / Black's / Bouvier's Law dictionaries may only give you one side of the story.

Therefore it is a good idea is to know the meaning to everyday words used of the period in question.

So, let's look at the word IDIOT as defined in Webster's Dictionary of 1880 (of interest is definition number 1).



*Idiot - 1. A man in private station, as distinguished from holding public office; a person in private life (see illustration above).


Some others DEFINITELY are a perfect fit to the other descriptions, but we'll put that aside for the moment.

The entire dictionary (300MB) can be downloaded from the link below :

https://drive.google.com/open?id=0B21_coIgIYu2TGJTbVg5dEFyb0U

14 July 2016

Dodgy government employs dodgy people in city councils - Salim Mehajer

  • What sort of government allows people in office that can make decision for personal gain to the detriment of the general populous?

Why the government of a penal colony, of course!

  • How can you trust a government that does not act immediately in situations that show 'conflict of interest' arising from the actions of people in office?

You can't!

  • Is this action [ of hiring 'dodgy' people] representative of government action on a wiser scale.

You can bet your 'Constitution' it is!

And this scum wants to be the Prime Minister of Australia.

We already have enough treasonous bastards without having to deal with another piece of garbage in office.

Australia's government a real criminal force against the people?

You can read the article from 13 July 2016 by news.com.au of the headline:

The dramatic downfall of the Salim and Aysha Mehajer love story



Is the Salim and Aysha Mehajer fairytale life over?

IT’S the fairytale romance that looks to have turned into a nightmare. 

Barely 12 months after controversial former deputy mayor Salim Mehajer married his sweetheart Aysha, the relationship could all but come to an end this week.

NSW Police, acting for Mrs Mehajer — going by her maiden name Aysha Learmonth — lodged an application for an apprehended violence order (AVO) on Monday against her husband. This morning the AVO was extended until next month which means they will not be together for their first wedding anniversary on August 15.

Neither Mr Mehajer or his wife Aysha were at the Downing Centre Local Court when the matter was mentioned.

Mr Mehajer agreed to the standard orders — which say he must not harass, assault, menace or stalk her — contained in the AVO, but indicated he wanted to vary or challenge orders that prevents him going within 50m of her home and/or work and must not approach her.

The only contact between the couple is to be via her lawyers.

Mr Mehajer has always insisted the dream is still alive when it came to he and his wife. Yesterday, he told news.com.au “only death will do us apart”. But, increasingly, it seems like wishful thinking.

But for the first time, Mr Mehajer conceded his wife had moved out of their marital home in Lidcombe, western Sydney although he claimed he saw her “every day”.

The Daily Telegraph reported that Mrs Mehajer had indeed recently met her husband but the reason was not to reconcile, but to seek an amicable split — a request he is said to have ignored.

A marriage that looks like it will end with a miserable whimper in a dreary Sydney court started with a lavish, glittering bang one sunny afternoon last August.

Four helicopters, a jet, a sea plane and a motorcade of luxury sports cars and motorcycles greeted bemused residents in the western Sydney suburb of Lidcombe as they found themselves hemmed in by the extravagant outdoor ceremony which saw Aysha and Salim tie the knot.


Former Auburn deputy mayor Salim Mehajer and his bride Aysha on their lavish wedding day in Lidcombe which involved helicopters, supercars, and dancing drummers and closed off a whole street. Picture: Toby ZernaSource:News Corp Australia

DIAMONDS AND PEARLS

On her big day, clad in a 22kg extravaganza of French lace and Swarovski pearls and diamonds, and with a beaming groom doting on her, she easily outshone any flashy motor.

The spectacle would catapult the couple to national stardom, while sharpening the crosshairs of the Auburn councillor’s critics.

He was the successful Sydney property developer, his apartments rising in the commuter belt east of Parramatta. She was the Wollongong beauty therapist, originally called April, who fell for the charms of the man dubbed “the councillor of conspicuous consumption”.

 Aysha Mehajer’s stunning wedding dress. Picture: Instagram nektariaSource:Instagram
‘I DON’T RECOGNISE HER’

The transformation, from blond haired April, to dark-haired beauty with chiselled looks, was miraculous.

So convincing was her metamorphosis that three months before the wedding, she was proclaimed Miss Personality Miss Lebanon Australia.

“I don’t recognise her but I think mostly anyone who knew her back then wouldn’t recognise her now,” Tracey Rovere, former principal of the Illawarra College of Beauty Therapy, who trained “April”, told the Daily Telegraph.

“Her hair was straight and red and then, for graduation night, she surprised us all by going and getting this amazing spray tan that concealed her freckles and had her hair lightened to strawberry blonde. She had this total Cinderella moment.”


Salim Mehajer and Aysha, before they married. Source: SuppliedSource:Supplied
HAPPY

A pre-wedding video provided the cheesiest moment of the couple’s celebrations.

It saw Mr Mehajer re-creating the first moment he laid eyes on his now wife.

There’s romance, drama, self-aggrandisement, even some guns, and finally Mr Right gets down on one knee as he presents Aysha with the ring she’s being waiting for.

After the last piece of confetti fell on the otherwise sleepy Sydney street, Mrs Mehajer fell into what, initially at least, seemed like a happy existence. She hung out with her husband’s stunning and sculptured sisters and even helped do a bit of fundraising, drawing the crowds at a local Macca’s for McHappy Day.

Happy times: Salim Mehajer joined wife Aysha at McDonalds Lidcombe to help raise money for McHappy day. Picture: Mark EvansSource:News Corp Australia

PRIME MINISTERIAL PLANS

When her husband, a few months later, graciously offered his services to the nation as a future prime minister, a serene Mrs Mehajer stood majestically behind him.

By November, the partnership went from the romantic to the business as Mrs Mehajer became director of several of her husband’s companies.

But storm clouds were brewing. Mr Mehajer was under increasing scrutiny for his business dealings and decisions made by Auburn councillors during his tenure as deputy mayor.

In February, Mrs Mehajer dramatically went into bat for her husband, pleading for his political life so he could build a multimillion-dollar block of units.

She wrote to Local Government Minister Paul Toole, asking him not to sack Auburn Council which would strip Mr Mehajer of his mayoral robes.

Mr Toole had singled out a decision made by the council to sell a council-owned car park in Lidcombe to the Mehajers, upon which its company — Sydney Constructions and Developments (SCD) — hoped to build an apartment block. If the council was sacked, the sale would be unlikely to go ahead.

“SCD is prepared to do all the things to protect its rights which arise under existing contract, including if the Minister interferes with those contracts,” she wrote ominously.

The Government wasn’t impressed and not only sacked the council but then disbanded it altogether, amalgamating it out of existence. The sale of the car park evaporated.


Salim Mehajer reportedly got a tattoo of his wife Aysha. Picture: SuppliedSource:Instagram
NO SHOW AT BIRTHDAY PARTY 

As Mr Mehajer’s political career and business plans began to unravel it was followed soon after by, seemingly, his relationship as well.

In April, he held an extravagant 30th birthday party for his wife which included shelling out $50,000 for US musicians Tyga and Omarion to attend.

The rappers took happy snaps on the mini-mansion’s illuminated spiral staircase and posed with a birthday cake.

The only thing missing? The birthday girl.

In fact, she hadn’t been seen for weeks.

Salim Mehajer posed with rappers Tyga and Omarion — but where was his wife? Picture: Instagram.Source:Supplied

WHO IS HOODA?

Soon afterwards, a romantic video emerged of Mr Mehajer — but it featured another woman.

The video, essentially a flip book of images, showed Mr Mehajer and a woman identified as “Hooda” embracing and, in some images, kissing.

Hooda bared a striking resemblance to Mr Mehajer’s wife.

“God sent me an angel” is daubed across one image of the couple. “I be his bonnie, he be my clyde [sic]”, is written across another.

A date of November 2014 crops up a number of times. If Mr Mehajer and Hooda were indeed an item then it would have been when he was already betrothed to his bride-to-be.

Later in the same month, Mr Mehajer was forced to furiously deny that his marriage was on the rocks despite reports he went to a house his wife was staying in and was found “yelling” and “screaming” while trying to knock the door in.

Mr Mehajer allegedly went to the house, in Wollongong, and demanded the keys to a Mercedes car his wife had been using, reported the Daily Telegraph. She was said to have escaped to the Gold Coast.



Salim Mehajer pictured leaving his house in Lidcombe. His wife Aysha applied for an apprehended violence order against him, on the eve of their one year anniversary. Picture: Adam YipSource:News Corp Australia

‘OUR LOVE IS TOO GREAT’

As the rumours cranked up, Mr Mehajer took to social media uploading pictures of he and his wife in happier times.

“Our love is too great to destroy,” said one post following the alleged incident in Wollongong.

On the weekend, Mr Mehajer uploaded a picture of him looking adoringly at his wife with the caption “You put the smile on my face, the sparky in my eyes and the Love in my heart.”

He insisted to news.com.au the image was recent but the two have not been spotted together for months.

Despite Mr Mehajer’s protestations to the contrary, the fairytale that began on a Sydney street looks to be fading fast.